Cochabamba on fire!
I thought that maybe the holidays would mullify the protests for a little bit longer, but oh no, folks have been on the plaza for the last 6 days. Yesterday, after the police tear gassed the crowd, people rolled burning tires into the police station and set the door to the Prefect's office on fire.
The new demand is the resignation of the Prefect of the Department (like a state governor) who is a tricky little guy, with a pompador. Manfred Reyes Villa is a right wing fella who likes to build roads and bridges, and is trying to position himself as a centerist (maybe to run for president next time around). He is trying to assert Cochabamba's (the department) autonomy from the MAS federal government, even though this is a region that is a MAS stronghold.
Its all very confusing and slightly jarring to be walking down the road and get a big whiff of tear gas. Ah, memories of my protesting days.
Here are some photos of the formerly very nice wooden door to the Prefect's office. Click the Read More! link for an article about the issue from AIN.
Protestors Burn Cochabamba Governor’s Office and Demand His Resignation
The Prefecture in Cochabamba’s main plaza has been blocked for five days
here by social groups demanding the resignation of Prefect Manfred Reyes
Villa. Protesting groups reject Reyes Villa’s tenure, as a result of his
participation in the second Sánchez de Lozada governing coalition,
accusations of corruption during his terms as the city’s mayor, and his role
as bodyguard for dictator Luis García Meza. Since Reyes Villa won the
prefecture elections in 2005 with 47.6 % of the vote, there has been
constant friction with the MAS government. In December 2006, Reyes Villa
called for a Departmental Referendum to declare greater autonomy for
Cochabamba, heightening mounting tensions.
Things came to a head on January 8th. Over 20 people were injured, including several journalists. The police eventually tear-gassed the crowd as the conflict increased. In retaliation the group set the door of the prefecture on fire and rolled burning tires into the adjoining police station. The fire destroyed several offices.
Protestors also burned several vehicles in the plaza.
Government Minister Alicia Munoz fired the Cochabamba Police commander,
hand-picked by the Morales administration as part of its police reform and
sworn in only yesterday, for firing tear gas into the crowd. (Ironically,
Munoz personally ordered the police and armed forces to forcibly evict four
squatters’ settlements near Oruro in June 2006, leading to the shooting
death of one squatter.) The conflict between regional and national
governments have put the police between a rock and a hard place, and they
are unsure whose orders to follow.
Munoz’s decision highlights the growing friction between the central and
regional governments in six of Bolivia’s nine departments. She asserted her direct authority over the security forces stating, “When a minister
is in charge, a prefect can’t give orders… There can be no repression; you
can’t use the police to provoke social movements.” (Red ATB, Los Tiempos) She also accused Cochabamba Prefect Reyes Villa of provoking social
movements by requesting a departmental referendum to consult the Cochabamba
residents about declaring greater autonomy for the department.[1]”
Although MAS officials have openly opposed and aggressively critiqued Reyes
Villa, high-ranking government officials have stated that the central administration
is not demanding his resignation. Some social groups participating in
protests, though, such as the Chapare coca growers make up the backbone of
the party’s rank and file. Tensions between the departmental and regional
governments began soon after their respective inaugurations and have been
exacerbated by confrontational attitudes on both sides and a lack of a clear
legal framework defining the rights and responsibilities of regional and
national authorities after direct election of prefects for the first time in
Bolivia’s history.
The incident has increased the already extreme polarization throughout
Bolivia and there is no apparent solution for the ballooning conflict. Some
Cochabamba campesino groups are threatening to block roads in the department until
Reyes Villa resigns.
The dramatic quote of the day: “Things are so bad now that the governors
have to carry their wills under their arms.” La Paz Prefect José Luis
Paredes, repeating the statement of Luis Arce Gomez, Minister of Government
during the García Meza dictatorship, who told opposition to the military
regime that they would have to carry their wills with them.
Regional Conflicts Also Exacerbate Tensions between Police and Armed Forces
Last week Morales named Gen. Miguel Vasquez as national police commander to
spearhead an apparently profound police reform. During his tenure as FELCN
commander, Vazquez gained a reputation for honesty and improving the forces
relationship with the population. What he is proposing, and acting on seems
solid and badly needed as petty crime continues to rise throughout the
nation. The reform appears to be based on the findings of a consultancy done
by Minister of the Presidency Juan Ramon Quintana for the Defensor del
Pueblo in 2003.
Elements of the reform include:
* Taking a significant number of officers out of administrative tasks
and back on the streets
* Investigation of the assets and origins of all police officers properties
* Quarterly evaluations of commanders’ compliance with reform
objectives
* Zero tolerance for corruption
* Extended hours and seven day a week attention to provide legal ID
cards
* More equitable distribution of personnel throughout the nation
* Public declaration of police income from the treasury and other
sources (including ID cards, driver’s license, vehicle inspection and
others—which far supersede the budget provided by the state).
Vasquez’s appointment seems to also be an effort to guarantee state control
over the institution, which has been consistently frustrated with the broad
concessions granted to the armed forces, including the largest salary raise
given to any group for the military officer corps. There is no announced
raise for the police this year. Opposition prefects have been reaching out
to the police, both out of a true need to address citizen security issues,
and as a way to curry their favor to strengthen their positions. The
prefects have always been regional commanders of the security forces, which
was not a problem when they were appointed by the executive, and merely
carried out national orders. Now the lines have been blurred. During
friction in December in Cochabamba over autonomy issues, the police followed
prefecture orders and the military police responded to the central
government.
Genuine reform efforts and an attack on corruption within the police force
will improve popular support for the institution, but may also cut in to the
direct income or potentially lead to the prosecution of corrupt cops.
Undoubtedly the institution’s workload will increase and the process will be
fraught with conflict.
Although the armed forces also have corruption issues, no such purges or
reforms have been announced, and instead the military has been repeatedly
congratulated for its dedication. This suggests that there may be friction
down the road. Competition between the two forces, within the framework of
the drug war and beyond has been a persistent problem. On February 12, 2003 these same tensions between police and military exploded in the streets of La Paz leaving over thirty people dead. This is something to watch.
Other news:
* There was a confrontation in Bulo Bulo, Chapare on New Year’s
Day---the versions presented by the government and the press don’t really
make sense – it is not at all credible that 300 townspeople would attack an
UMOPAR patrol to defend drug traffickers or that local residents would
attack an anti-drug patrol because they mistook the detainees for coca
producers. This incident and the lack of clarity around it suggest that
the situation in the Chapare may not be as tranquil as it seems.
* The price of bread, a staple for most urban Bolivians, increased
from 25 to 40 percent. This seemingly unimportant measure has provoked
widespread concern for low income families.
* During the past two months, the Bolivian government deported three
foreigners, one Cuban accused of criticizing the Cuban and Bolivian
governments and two American students who took photographs within the
restricted area of the Summit without press credentials. Officials cited the
terms of a Supreme decree passed during the first Sánchez de Lozada
administration, which had been designed to limit social protest. The law,
declared unconstitutional by the Constitutional Tribunal, states that
foreigners can be permanently expelled from Bolivia for terrorism, illegal
or immoral acts, vagrancy, participating in internal politics, union
leadership, organizing meetings or marches against the government, or making
statements or publishing information offensive to institutions or
authorities.[2] When asked about the significant number of foreign
consultants working for the Morales administration, a spokesperson
clarified, that they are “doing good, not causing problems.”
* Tourism representatives are threatening to block the nation’s roads
to protest the new visa requirement for US citizens, although they were one
group who vociferously protested blockades by social movements in the past.
* The good news: The Morales Administration has rehired Xavier
Azkargorta to coach the national soccer team. Azkargorta led the team to the
World Cup in 1994. This is perhaps the only governmental initiative to
obtain widespread popular support at this time.
_____
[1] 63 percent of Cochabamba residents rejected departmental autonomy during
the national autonomy referendum in July 2006. Bolivian law permits
departmental referendums as a result of public initiative when there is
support from 8 percent of registered voters, “for topics related to and
under the authority of a specific department” The law also says that the
Bolivian Congress should convoke a departmental referendum, if there is no
elected prefect, but does not specify how to call a referendum with elected
governors. (La Ley Marco del Referéndum, República de Bolivia, 2004)
[2] Supreme Decree 24423, article 4, in La Prensa, 1/8/06
The new demand is the resignation of the Prefect of the Department (like a state governor) who is a tricky little guy, with a pompador. Manfred Reyes Villa is a right wing fella who likes to build roads and bridges, and is trying to position himself as a centerist (maybe to run for president next time around). He is trying to assert Cochabamba's (the department) autonomy from the MAS federal government, even though this is a region that is a MAS stronghold.
Its all very confusing and slightly jarring to be walking down the road and get a big whiff of tear gas. Ah, memories of my protesting days.
Here are some photos of the formerly very nice wooden door to the Prefect's office. Click the Read More! link for an article about the issue from AIN.
Protestors Burn Cochabamba Governor’s Office and Demand His Resignation
The Prefecture in Cochabamba’s main plaza has been blocked for five days
here by social groups demanding the resignation of Prefect Manfred Reyes
Villa. Protesting groups reject Reyes Villa’s tenure, as a result of his
participation in the second Sánchez de Lozada governing coalition,
accusations of corruption during his terms as the city’s mayor, and his role
as bodyguard for dictator Luis García Meza. Since Reyes Villa won the
prefecture elections in 2005 with 47.6 % of the vote, there has been
constant friction with the MAS government. In December 2006, Reyes Villa
called for a Departmental Referendum to declare greater autonomy for
Cochabamba, heightening mounting tensions.
Things came to a head on January 8th. Over 20 people were injured, including several journalists. The police eventually tear-gassed the crowd as the conflict increased. In retaliation the group set the door of the prefecture on fire and rolled burning tires into the adjoining police station. The fire destroyed several offices.
Protestors also burned several vehicles in the plaza.
Government Minister Alicia Munoz fired the Cochabamba Police commander,
hand-picked by the Morales administration as part of its police reform and
sworn in only yesterday, for firing tear gas into the crowd. (Ironically,
Munoz personally ordered the police and armed forces to forcibly evict four
squatters’ settlements near Oruro in June 2006, leading to the shooting
death of one squatter.) The conflict between regional and national
governments have put the police between a rock and a hard place, and they
are unsure whose orders to follow.
Munoz’s decision highlights the growing friction between the central and
regional governments in six of Bolivia’s nine departments. She asserted her direct authority over the security forces stating, “When a minister
is in charge, a prefect can’t give orders… There can be no repression; you
can’t use the police to provoke social movements.” (Red ATB, Los Tiempos) She also accused Cochabamba Prefect Reyes Villa of provoking social
movements by requesting a departmental referendum to consult the Cochabamba
residents about declaring greater autonomy for the department.[1]”
Although MAS officials have openly opposed and aggressively critiqued Reyes
Villa, high-ranking government officials have stated that the central administration
is not demanding his resignation. Some social groups participating in
protests, though, such as the Chapare coca growers make up the backbone of
the party’s rank and file. Tensions between the departmental and regional
governments began soon after their respective inaugurations and have been
exacerbated by confrontational attitudes on both sides and a lack of a clear
legal framework defining the rights and responsibilities of regional and
national authorities after direct election of prefects for the first time in
Bolivia’s history.
The incident has increased the already extreme polarization throughout
Bolivia and there is no apparent solution for the ballooning conflict. Some
Cochabamba campesino groups are threatening to block roads in the department until
Reyes Villa resigns.
The dramatic quote of the day: “Things are so bad now that the governors
have to carry their wills under their arms.” La Paz Prefect José Luis
Paredes, repeating the statement of Luis Arce Gomez, Minister of Government
during the García Meza dictatorship, who told opposition to the military
regime that they would have to carry their wills with them.
Regional Conflicts Also Exacerbate Tensions between Police and Armed Forces
Last week Morales named Gen. Miguel Vasquez as national police commander to
spearhead an apparently profound police reform. During his tenure as FELCN
commander, Vazquez gained a reputation for honesty and improving the forces
relationship with the population. What he is proposing, and acting on seems
solid and badly needed as petty crime continues to rise throughout the
nation. The reform appears to be based on the findings of a consultancy done
by Minister of the Presidency Juan Ramon Quintana for the Defensor del
Pueblo in 2003.
Elements of the reform include:
* Taking a significant number of officers out of administrative tasks
and back on the streets
* Investigation of the assets and origins of all police officers properties
* Quarterly evaluations of commanders’ compliance with reform
objectives
* Zero tolerance for corruption
* Extended hours and seven day a week attention to provide legal ID
cards
* More equitable distribution of personnel throughout the nation
* Public declaration of police income from the treasury and other
sources (including ID cards, driver’s license, vehicle inspection and
others—which far supersede the budget provided by the state).
Vasquez’s appointment seems to also be an effort to guarantee state control
over the institution, which has been consistently frustrated with the broad
concessions granted to the armed forces, including the largest salary raise
given to any group for the military officer corps. There is no announced
raise for the police this year. Opposition prefects have been reaching out
to the police, both out of a true need to address citizen security issues,
and as a way to curry their favor to strengthen their positions. The
prefects have always been regional commanders of the security forces, which
was not a problem when they were appointed by the executive, and merely
carried out national orders. Now the lines have been blurred. During
friction in December in Cochabamba over autonomy issues, the police followed
prefecture orders and the military police responded to the central
government.
Genuine reform efforts and an attack on corruption within the police force
will improve popular support for the institution, but may also cut in to the
direct income or potentially lead to the prosecution of corrupt cops.
Undoubtedly the institution’s workload will increase and the process will be
fraught with conflict.
Although the armed forces also have corruption issues, no such purges or
reforms have been announced, and instead the military has been repeatedly
congratulated for its dedication. This suggests that there may be friction
down the road. Competition between the two forces, within the framework of
the drug war and beyond has been a persistent problem. On February 12, 2003 these same tensions between police and military exploded in the streets of La Paz leaving over thirty people dead. This is something to watch.
Other news:
* There was a confrontation in Bulo Bulo, Chapare on New Year’s
Day---the versions presented by the government and the press don’t really
make sense – it is not at all credible that 300 townspeople would attack an
UMOPAR patrol to defend drug traffickers or that local residents would
attack an anti-drug patrol because they mistook the detainees for coca
producers. This incident and the lack of clarity around it suggest that
the situation in the Chapare may not be as tranquil as it seems.
* The price of bread, a staple for most urban Bolivians, increased
from 25 to 40 percent. This seemingly unimportant measure has provoked
widespread concern for low income families.
* During the past two months, the Bolivian government deported three
foreigners, one Cuban accused of criticizing the Cuban and Bolivian
governments and two American students who took photographs within the
restricted area of the Summit without press credentials. Officials cited the
terms of a Supreme decree passed during the first Sánchez de Lozada
administration, which had been designed to limit social protest. The law,
declared unconstitutional by the Constitutional Tribunal, states that
foreigners can be permanently expelled from Bolivia for terrorism, illegal
or immoral acts, vagrancy, participating in internal politics, union
leadership, organizing meetings or marches against the government, or making
statements or publishing information offensive to institutions or
authorities.[2] When asked about the significant number of foreign
consultants working for the Morales administration, a spokesperson
clarified, that they are “doing good, not causing problems.”
* Tourism representatives are threatening to block the nation’s roads
to protest the new visa requirement for US citizens, although they were one
group who vociferously protested blockades by social movements in the past.
* The good news: The Morales Administration has rehired Xavier
Azkargorta to coach the national soccer team. Azkargorta led the team to the
World Cup in 1994. This is perhaps the only governmental initiative to
obtain widespread popular support at this time.
_____
[1] 63 percent of Cochabamba residents rejected departmental autonomy during
the national autonomy referendum in July 2006. Bolivian law permits
departmental referendums as a result of public initiative when there is
support from 8 percent of registered voters, “for topics related to and
under the authority of a specific department” The law also says that the
Bolivian Congress should convoke a departmental referendum, if there is no
elected prefect, but does not specify how to call a referendum with elected
governors. (La Ley Marco del Referéndum, República de Bolivia, 2004)
[2] Supreme Decree 24423, article 4, in La Prensa, 1/8/06
posted by Emily @ 12:59 PM
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